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Long Live the Shining October Path!

We publish this inofficial translation of the declaration of the FRDDP (Frente Revolucionária de Defesa dos Direitos do Povo). Source: Dem Volke dienen

 

 

 

Proletarians and oppressed peoples of the world, unite!


Long Live the Shining October Path!

 

100 years ago the exploited and oppressed popular masses of Russia were protagonists of a great historical event. Under the intrepid leadership of the Bolshevik Party and the lucid great leadership of the great Lenin, the immense majority of the Russian working class, poor peasants and soldiers, united for bread, peace and land, had risen as a furious hurricane to sweep away the recently established Provisional Government, political power of the imperialist bourgeoisie and feudal remnants, proclaiming the Russian Socialist Soviet Republic. The Socialist proletarian revolution was triumphing, for the first time, representing such a turning that would open a New Era for Humanity, the Era of its transition to the classless society, without exploitation of men by men, and of Human Emancipation, the society of eternal harmony, the golden Communism.

 

October Revolution has fulfilled the requisites and premisses of the proletarian revolution, foreseen and established by the founders of scientific socialism, confirming the scientific character of it: the communist party, based on the armed masses, applying the revolutionary violence, had taken the power of the bourgeoisie by force, expropriated the capitalists and landlords, abolished the private property of the means of production, socialising them and nationalising the land, destroyed the administrative bureaucratic police military machinery and installed the New state Power of the proletariat, under the basis of the workers-peasant alliance and in the innovative form of the deputy councils, directly elected in the production units, locals of activity or living, by workers, peasants and soldiers, centralized in the government of the People’s Commissaries. Achieved what was claimed by Lenin, twelve years before, in the midst of the struggle of the first bourgeois democratic revolution of 1905: “Only an armed people can be the real bulwark of popular liberty”.1

 

The first factor, subjective, and the most decisive for the triumph of the October Socialist Revolution resided in the existence of a party of a new type armed with a Marxist ideological-political line, as Stalin had pointed out in his assessment: “strong not only by reason of its experience and discipline acquired through the years, but also by reason of its vast connections with the laboring masses”.2 Essentially a forged party and masses educated in ruthless combat to opportunism and revolutionary violence.

 

The second, also subjective, was the successful line of the worker-peasant alliance, as asserted by Stalin that: “The October Revolution was victorious because it was able to deprive the bourgeoisie of its peasant reserves, because it was able to win these reserves to the side of the proletariat, and because in this revolution the proletariat proved to be the only guiding force for the vast masses of the laboring people of town and country”.3

 

And the third, the objective factor, was the concrete and particular situation that was created in Russia with the interimperialist war. Capitalism in its monopoly phase had conducted a fight for the world partition between the main imperialist powers and the opportunism as social-chauvinism predominated in the main labour parties of Europe, to such a point that the war of world proportions was ineluctable, the World War I. Like nobody, Lenin knew how to comprehend that there in Russia, relatively backward country, had converged all the contradictions of imperialism sharpened to the extreme, making of it the weak link of its world domination chain. The existence of a very concentrated proletariat and with large struggle experience in an unjust war that armed hundred of thousands of poor peasants as an army, thirsty for land, justice and peace, revolted against the condition of cannon fodder that the tsarist empire had forced them.

 

So, the successful politic of the Bolshevik Party conducted not only to the armed insurrection triumph but secured the establishment of the new Power, the Soviets or political Power of the proletariat, based on the worker-peasant alliance and the most advanced democracy, the Proletarian Dictatorship. Established all the rights to the workers and passed the management of the factories to the workers, delivered the land to the poor peasants on the basis of its nationalization, instituted law equality of law and rights of women, answered to the problem of the oppressed nations based on the rights of the peoples of their self-determination, creating the Union of the Socialist Soviet Republics already in the first years of the Soviet Power.

 

The importance of this great proletarian deed is also present in its international significance, on shaking the capital yoke in the whole world, making the foundations of imperialism tremble. On defeating imperialism, the big bourgeoisie and latifundium in Russia, the October Revolution has proven the party of a new type as the revolutionary party of the class, forged the new weapon of struggle, on the speech of Stalin, the theory and tactics of the proletarian revolution in general and the theory and tactics of the dictatorship of the proletariat in particular. This indicated to the oppressed peoples of all countries the path to the final overthrow of exploitation and oppression: the conquest and defence of Power through armed struggle, led in absolute way by the Communist Party. This international significance expressed essentially its universal validity as Leninism. And it was under the basis of this extraordinary deed of the proletariat that Lenin founded the III International, the Communist International that would bring marxism-leninism throughout the world, potentiating the existing communist parties and propelling its creation on the countries where they still didn’t existed.

 

In breaking the bourgeoisie fortress in Russia, the Great October Socialist Revolution not only encouraged the struggle of the proletariat in Europe and United States; resounded even in the most remote regions of earth waking millions and millions of exploited human beings and oppressed nations to the liberation struggle. Together with the monopolist capitalism, the imperialism, as a tendency in all the line to violence and to reaction, the epoch of the world bourgeois revolution had an end and with the October Revolution the bourgeoisie, as a class, turned completely to the counterrevolution. The epoch of World Proletarian Revolution has been opened with a golden seal. In the conditions in which the big potencies, controlled by a handful financiers and in the midst of contends and colludes for the partition and re-partition of the world, exert its rule over peoples and whole nations, the struggle for their liberation has become integral part of the World Proletarian Revolution.

 

For this very reason that, in face of the revolution in the semicolonial-semifeudal China, Chairman Mao asserted categorically that “The thunder of the October Revolution cannons brought marxism-leninism to China. So the Chinese Revolution gained a new physiognomy.”4 And also establishing that the Power is the essential question of people’s war pointed out: “The guns of the Bolsheviks created the socialism in Russia”.5

 

The triumph of the October Revolution raised Marxism to a second stage of its development: Leninism. After the defeat of the memorable Paris Commune, of which Lenin called “general rehearsal of the world proletarian revolution”, the triumph of the Great October Socialist Revolution developed powerfully the First Step of the World Proletarian Revolution, of the Strategic Defensive.

 

And it was, without having a single day of peace, with aggressions and sabotages perpetrated by internal counterrevolution and by imperialism and the world reaction, that the Dictatorship of the Proletariat, for the first time, achieved the human deeds never seen before on the face of Earth. All carried out by Soviet Power supported in the organized masses having the Red Army as the backbone, led by the Communist Party. It was like this since the first days, since its territory was attacked by armies of fourteen countries, always in the midst of the most harsh struggles and triumphs against “left” opportunism and mostly against the counterrevolutionary revisionist right (bukarinist, trotskyist, zinovievist, etc.) in the Party, in the Red Army and in the Soviet State, until the defeat of the dictatorship of the proletariat by the new kruschevist revisionism, thirty nine years after the Great October. It was thirty nine years exploring the inhospitable terrain of the path of socialism construction in one single country, facing of the temporary defeat of the proletarian revolution in Europe, having to struggle against the attacks from the dogmatists and all pessimism, without giving up the support of the revolutionary and peoples liberation struggle in the rest of the world for a single day.

 

Under the intense and systematic fire of the enemies, it faced a civil war, carried out the electrification and industrialization, the cooperativization of the countryside and endured indescribable devastation and genocides practised by the hitlerist hordes. At the cost of the lives of more than 25 millions of compatriots, the USSR, under the guidance of the Party and of Stalin, brought to triumph the Great Homeland War smashing the nazi beast in its territory, liberated altogether with the local resistance forces the Eastern Europe peoples and marched over Germany up to Hitler’s bunker, driving in the red flag with the sickle and hammer in the dome of the Reichstag, in Berlin. Rebuild once more the country and leaped further than the most developed capitalists nations in many areas in the fields of science and technique. It was mobilizing, politicizing, organizing and arming millions of working masses, potentiating its thought and creative action that brought the construction of socialism and the experience of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat to great heights. Eternal Honour and Glory to the communists and heroic soviet masses, to the Bolshevik Party, to its masterful Great Leadership the Great Lenin and his Brilliant Conductor the Great Stalin!

 

The gigantic victory of the Soviet Power, of the working and revolutionary masses of USSR, of the heroic and glorious Red Army, all under the leadership of the Communist Party and of the Great Stalin in World War II, the liberation of the countries of the Eastern Europe and Korea in Asia, forming in them the people’s democracy, widened formidably the world socialist camp. With the triumph of the Great Chinese Revolution, four years later, the relation of forces between proletariat and bourgeoisie, between socialism and imperialism, had been equilibrated. The World Proletarian Revolution had passed to its Second Stage, of the Strategic Equilibrium. For imperialism, already hegemonized by USA, the problem of its smashing as world domination and for the bourgeoisie its defeat as ruling class was concretely settled. It was facing this danger that the Yankees launched their “cold war” strategy, having as its core the threat to strike USSR with atomic weapons.

However, all the advances reached in the revolutionary struggle and in the application of the socialist construction tasks – for the development of the productive forces and the growing satisfaction of the people’s needs – revealed to be insufficient to secure the continued development of the revolution and prevent the danger of capitalist restoration. The Bolshevik leadership have not achieved in time, the necessary comprehension of how to precede the revolution in the conditions of socialism and of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat, in which the class struggle kept going and has turned to be more fierce and complex. In this matter comrade Stalin revealed difficulties on the handling of the contradictions, he concluded already in the endings of the 1930s that there were no more antagonist classes, but only counterrevolutionary and antisocial elements, imperialism agents, underestimating this way the imperious need of constant mobilization of the masses in combating the bourgeois ideology and its open and dissimulated defenders in the Party, in the Army and in the State, as well as the relentless battle against the reactionary ideas encrusted in the customs and traditions, betting on a struggle through the internal security apparatus. Even though, as the historical facts had proven, it was only after the death of comrade Stalin, great marxist, as has defined chairman Mao and an insurmountable obstacle to the dreams and intents of the counterrevolution, which saw itself encouraged and arose under the cloak of the new revisionism to restore capitalism.

 

After the death of comrade Stalin, under the international conditions in terms of Yankee nuclear blackmail, and of the revisionist treason by the communist parties of Europe and USA at the end and after the World War II, headed by Khrushchev, in an open and cunning form the restorationists falsified the marxism-leninism and subverted the socialist system; propagandised the bourgeois populism, raised a black line opposed to class struggle, to revolutionary violence and to the Dictatorship of the Proletariat and conducted the USSR to capitalist restoration (1956). Using the gigantic prestige of the USSR built with herculean and heroic work, study and struggle of the soviet people, under masterful conduction of the great Lenin and of the sharp Stalin, painted as vulgar criminal, Khrushchev drawn down behind him to the mire of counterrevolution the great majority of the countries of the socialist camp and the immense majority of the communist parties in the rest of the world.

 

But not without having to confront itself with the most tenacious ideological battle ever seen (The Great Debate) in defence of marxism-leninism and of implacable combat and unmasking of the new revisionism. Chairman Mao readily identified in the XX Congress of the CPSU, behind the coward attacks on comrade Stalin and the “brand new” thesis of Khrushchev, the emergence and systematization of a new revisionism, demolishing his rotten theory of the “Three Peaceful” and of the “Two Wholes”. And investigating the causes which conducted to the capitalist restoration in USSR, in midst of the most rough combat against the capitalist path in China and its defenders in the leadership of the Communist Party of China, in the People’s Liberation Army and in the Socialist State, launched the great Campaign of Socialist Education and the Great Leap Forward. Then, upholding the marxist-leninist thesis that in the socialism “there are classes and class struggle”, warned “Never forget the class struggle” and the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution was unleashed. Mobilizing hundreds of millions in defence of the Power of the proletariat and for the exert of its dictatorship in an absolute form over the bourgeoisie, combating the revisionist “theory of productive forces” proclaimed “grasping revolution and promoting production!”, “red first and then expert” and for the “politics in command”, mobilizing the immense majority of the masses for its constant ideological transformation, prevented for ten years the same restoration in China.

 

Raising high the flag of marxism-leninism and of the Great October, the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution led personally by Chairman Mao, raised his thought as the marxism-leninism of the epoch and consecrated the People’s War as the deepening of the Shining October Path, systematization and synthesis that Chairman Mao had realized of the historical experience of the revolutionary struggle of the oppressed masses, especially of the proletariat for the conquest and defence of its Power.

 

Unmasked, although cunning, the contemporary revisionists, in vassalage by the social-imperialism of USSR and CPUS Khrushchevist-Brezhnevists, since then, under the general line of the “peaceful transition”, turning away the Shining October Path and defended participation on the bourgeois parliament as the new path to socialism, as the latest “creative application” and “utmost development” of marxism-leninism. They threw away the Shining October Path and stamped over it acting as auxiliary forces of the imperialist bourgeoisie and their lackeys on the dominated countries or as mere pawns in the board of contend and collude between the Yankee superpower and the social imperialist superpower USSR, causing confusion among the masses to divide them and deviate them from the revolutionary path, as well as to divide and domesticate the International Communist Movement.

 

Against all this revisionist treason the CPCh has risen openly unleashing in 1963 the storm against the new revisionism and in defence of marxism-leninism, with the “A Proposal Concerning the General Line of the International Communist Movement” and the “Nine Comments” which followed it. At the same time having to wage struggles against the dissimulated defenders of the capitalist path headed by the Chinese Khrushchev, Liu Shao-chi, Chairman Mao called to the true marxist-leninists of all the world to keep unshaken in the defence of the Shining October Path to make revolutions of new democracy uninterrupted to socialism in the countries oppressed by imperialism and the socialist revolution in the imperialist countries. Rallied the proletariat of all countries and the oppressed nations and peoples of all world to unite and to dare to fight and defeat Yankee imperialism, common enemy of all peoples of the world, sanctioning that the imperialism and the reactionaries are paper tigers! Unleashed the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution to sweep away the defenders of the capitalist path defend the dictatorship of the proletariat, to wage the class struggle on the conditions of socialism and combat the danger of bourgeois restoration.

 

And so warned the communists of what was said by Lenin that the overthrown bourgeoisie would not disappear and that on the contrary, defeated it grows its strength a hundredfold against the budding and still fragile socialist system. Affirming that the Cultural Revolution reached men in what is most deep to him he pointed out: “Although the bourgeoisie has been overthrown, it is still trying to use the old ideas, culture, customs and habits of the exploiting classes to corrupt the masses, capture their minds and endeavour to stage a comeback. The proletariat must do the exact opposite: it must meet head-on every challenge of the bourgeoisie in the ideological field and use the new ideas, culture, customs and habits of the proletariat to change the mental outlook of the whole of society. At present, our objective is to struggle against and overthrow those persons in authority who are taking the capitalist road, to criticize and repudiate the reactionary bourgeois academic “authorities” and the ideology of the bourgeoisie and all other exploiting classes and to transform education, literature and art and all other parts of the superstructure not in correspondence with the socialist economic base, so as to facilitate the consolidation and development of the socialist system.”6 This way, for ten years, the feats of the dictatorship of the proletariat were raised to the highest level of the proletarian revolution history.

 

Despite the great leaps of the GPCR the revisionist right knew to manoeuvre to isolate the maoist left and with the death of Chairman Mao, the Teng Siao-ping clique was encouraged to make a coup d’etat, to revoke one by one the revolutionary verdicts of the GPCR and unleash the bourgeois restoration (1976). Such event marked the end of the First Great Wave of the World Revolution, which was initiated with the publishing of the Communist Manifesto and principally with the Paris Commune, First Wave with which the proletarian revolution fulfilled the stage of strategic defensive, reached the stage of strategic equilibrium, developing it and rehearsal its general counteroffensive.

 

The progresses and advances that the GPCR constituted to the proletarian revolution in China and the world are irrefutable. The GPCR as form and content to carry out the class struggle in the conditions of the dictatorship of the proletariat, how to conduct the transition to communism, combating the danger of bourgeois restoration, brought into total evidence the developments of marxism-leninism that the mao tsetung thought constituted, proved in the long trajectory of the Chinese Revolution and to answer to the new problems of the world proletarian revolution and to bring it to its goal the communism. It was through its deep comprehension and masterful handling of marxist philosophy that Chairman Mao defined the contradiction, unity of contraries, as the single fundamental law of dialectics, that reigns all the infinite matter in its constant transformation, the universe, the nature, the society and the thought. Synthesizing it as that everything is contradiction and “one is divided in two”, applied it to the party construction, starting from within it, in its core, are manifested the class contradictions of the society, between the new and the old and between the right and the wrong, formulating the method of two line struggle for the forge of the proletarian line and for combating contrary lines that from times to times, in certain conditions emerge in the party. Taking from the founders that it is the masses that make history, they are the ones who make revolution and the party leads them, formulated the mass line, from the masses to the masses, as universal method to know and transform the world.

 

With the excellent synthesis he made of marxism-lenininism, principally the lessons he drew from the Shining October Path, asserting categorically that the Power is born from the barrel of a gun; from the affirmed by Lenin that the fundamental in every revolution is the question of Power, developed the theory of the People’s War as military doctrine of the proletariat having the Power at its core; that for making revolution the proletariat must construct not only its revolutionary party of a new type, but even, with instruments proper to it, two other also fundamentals, that is, besides of the Communist Party, the People’s Army and the Revolutionary United Front. That for as long as there is exploitation of men by men, war will be reality, that these are of two types, unjust war and just war. The unjust war is the war that the exploiting classes make against the toiling masses and against other nations to dominate and exploit them. The just war is the war that the exploited and oppressed, peoples and nations make for their liberation. And being imperialism the last society based on exploitation, in which the imperialist bourgeoisie conducted the whole world to total militarization, the war has become inevitable and means of maintenance of this decomposing system, condemned to disappear. Chairman Mao asserted “Make the just war to exterminate the unjust war, make war to conquer eternal peace”.7

 

As it is undeniable the inspiration that the GPCR brought to the true marxist-leninists of all continents to unleash new revolutionary movements. Thus was with the great “spring thunder”, of May 1967, of the massive and heroic armed uprising of the peasants of Naxalbari (West Bengal), led by the Communist Party of India Marxist-Leninist of Charu Mazumdar, today Communist Party of India (maoist). As is also true the courageousness that it brought to the national liberation struggles of the attacked countries and occupied by imperialism and progressive movements abroad. But despite all these great achievements the majority of the parties self proclaimed marxist-leninists kept drawn down in khrushchevist revisionism and submissive to the rule of the social-imperialist USSR, directly or through a subsidiary form of armed revisionism, sponsored by castroism.

 

In Brazil, as happened in many countries, a fraction of the leadership of the Communist Party was raised against the revisionism of Prestes and in defence of marxism-leninism and the Shining October Path reorganizing the Party under the acronym of PCdoB, fulfilling its pendent constitution authentically as a marxist-leninist party. Although it had raised the banner of Mao Tsetung Thought and of People’s War, because of assimilation insufficiencies of the advanced ideology, the leadership of the party carried on much of subjectivism and due to erroneous conception of people’s war conducted to the defeat of the Araguaia Guerrilla, in the struggle against the pro-Yankee imperialism fascist military regime and for democratic revolution. This was enough for the enemies of maoism in the leadership of the party to sabotage the critic balance of that rich experience, made by the blood shed by dozens of communists heroes and peasant masses, to abandon the revolutionary line and capitulate. Drowning itself into hoxhaist revisionism, the leadership of Joao Amazonas, in the endings of 1970, completely liquidated the Communist Party of Brazil, which was very difficult to be reorganized in 1962 as a revolutionary party of the proletariat, turning it into another revisionist organization, under the continuity of the name PCdoB.

 

Since then, this rotten PCdoB, integrated completely into the old State and for four decades have acted in its parliament and state governments, defending legitimacy of its corrupt bureaucratic institutions. Starting from 2003 integrated and gave support to the opportunist electioneering “Popular Front” governments of Luiz Inacio and Dilma, which for thirteen and a half years, managed the old and genocidal Brazilian State serving the big bourgeoisie, the landlords and imperialism, mainly Yankee. Despite these shameless revisionist stands, it began to disseminate a “XXIth century socialism” that substitutes the dictatorship of the proletariat for the equivalent to the bourgeois parliament, preceding in this from the revisionist and traitor Prachanda in Nepal.

 

The proletariat and the masses of our continent had witnessed processes in which, after years of heroic mass combats in armed struggle, its leadership start to predicate similar arguments, deposing arms and integrating to the reactionary State. Defending such stands, as an example of what Khrushchev has done, they call those who persist in the intransigent defence of the essential postulates of marxism and the Shining October Path dogmatic, to justify their capitulation before imperialism and the lackey ruling classes, to embellish capitalism and perpetuate its old State. Chairman Mao already warned about such trick, answering to the attacks that Khrushchev threw against CPCh of being dogmatic, affirming that all deviations, between them the dogmatism, were malefic and had to be combated, but that, unconditionally, the principal danger was still being revisionism.

 

In the occasion of the 90 years of the Great October Socialist Revolution, the revisionist PCdoB of Amazonas and Rabelo, hurried to exalt it as “the most outstanding social and political event of humanity”8, to conclude that this, however, is something from the past. In his note, criticized a supposed “ultra centralising command”9 of the Soviet State, that would have “hindered the socialist democracy”10. This to attack the Dictatorship of the Proletariat and sustain the bourgeois-bureaucratic-semifeudal dictatorship installed on Brazil, classified by the PCdoB as “democracy”. The note arguments even that the objective conditions, at the time of the October Revolution, does not exist nowadays since the “actual features of capitalism have changed”11, what leads to a necessity of struggling for socialism, today, according to the same note, in the new conditions of the XXIth century, logically, through the “preservation of the representative democracy mechanisms”12, as insist their theorists.

In this October, by the occasion of the 19th congress of the Chinese party congress, PCdoB present in the same, in saluting the social-imperialist bunch of Jinping by “dear comrades”, expelled its regular and repugnant black vomit affirming, between other gems of revisionism of which its leadership has become experienced, that “The PCdoB, brother party of CPCh by the high ideal of communism...” and “We have full confidence that the 19th Congress, having Xi Jinping as the core of the Central Committee, will keep raising the banner of socialism with Chinese characteristics, guided by...”, believe, “marxism-leninism, by Mao Tsetung’s thought, by the theory of Deng Xiaoping, by the important thought of the ‘Three Represents’ and by the scientific concept of socialist development.” All this rotten adulation of the revisionist social-imperialist arrogance sounds only as a ridiculous cackle.

 

Such situation on the revolutionary and communist movement in Brazil has deep roots on the browderism13 and predominance of the contemporary revisionism of Khrushchev on the communist movement of Latin America, which trained it in the constitutional illusions and caused great disease of pacifism, electioneering opportunism and parliamentary cretinism. After the defeat of the revolutionary processes on the region, in the decades of 1960 and 1970, and because of the existence of a weak proletarian leadership or that was torn apart by counterrevolution and with consequent reign of revisionism, it was created the environment for the appearance of a kind of “new left”. Converging regretted ex-guerilla foquists, intellectuals of CEBRAP (institution sponsored by Ford Foundation), nationalists, trotskyist of many cults, sectors of the catholic church and trade unionists formed by Yankee institutions for “free trade unionism”, this true cartel of opportunism will form the PT, bourgeois labour party led by Luiz Inacio. And it was through “big talk” radicalism, reduced the reality of a mere bargain between “the working class” and “the patronage”, publicizing its liberal socialism regimented masses through constitutional illusions and parliamentary cretinism. Didn’t took long for PT, as exponent of the “Sao Paulo Forum”, similar to what was propelled in all Latin America, the frontism sponsored by Cuban revisionism and blessed by the catholic church (clerics and laypeople of the liberation theology), conformed its electioneering “Popular Front”, agglomerated of revisionists and hardened reformists of all names (PT, PCdoB, PCB, PSB, PSTU, etc.).

 

On the opposite direction to all this deceit, the Communist Party of Peru raising high the banner of marxism-leninism mao tsetung thought, defending the Shining October Path, denouncing and repelling the restorationist coup of the Teng clique (1976), unleashed the revolutionary armed struggle as protracted People’s War in May 17, 1980. Through two line struggle which excelled since its beginnings, the red fraction led by Chairman Gonzalo which would reconstitute the CPP carried out the people’s war with leaps, throwing demolisher blows against the semifeudality, bureaucratic capitalism and imperialism. The People’s War in Peru confirmed what was asserted, based and carried out by the great leadership of Chairman Gonzalo that of the contributions of Chairman Mao, until then Mao Tsetung Thought, on embracing the three constitutive parts of marxism and as unity answering to the new exigencies of the concrete reality of the world in general and the class struggle in particular, corresponded to be a new, third and superior stage of its development, therefore maoism.

 

As Chairman Gonzalo had comprehended and synthesised, the fundamental in maoism is the question of Power. The Power for the proletariat in the different types of revolutions ongoing in the world, in other words, the Power for the proletariat in the revolution of new democracy uninterrupted to socialism that takes place in the countries oppressed by imperialism and that constitutes the base of the world revolution; The Power for the proletariat in the socialist revolution that takes place in the countries of developed capitalism, imperialists; the Power for the proletariat in the successive and necessary proletarian cultural revolutions that prevent and defeat the restoration and that develops, deepens and culminates the transition of the society, in all the world, to the Shining communism. The power for the proletariat conquered and defended through an armed force led in absolute form by the Communist Party.14 Chairman Gonzalo deepened and developed marxism-leninism-maoism through its creative application to the Peru reality, pointing out the application and handling of the contradiction, developed the essential of maoism defining that the construction of the three instruments must be carried out in a concentric way, that the party leads everything and is a militarized party. That all revolution demands the development of its guiding thought as creative application of marxism-leninism-maoism to the concrete reality of the corresponding country, guiding thought that embraces all the universe of this reality, the comprehension of the laws that reign its economic-social formation and development, the constant class analysis, its formation and organization process, the political process of the State and the classes, and all the production social relations and the ones resulting from them in the superstructure; specifying the ideology, program and general political line, as well as strategy, tactics and methods of work and leadership. Just like the synthesis of the experience of the struggle of the oppressed for their liberation through the millennia, that the oppressed always elected their leaders and that in the epoch of capitalism, as well defined by Lenin, the revolutionary party is a party of revolutionary leaders specified the relations between leaders, party, classes and masses, formulated the necessity of the great leadership, one leader ascending over the others by its knowledge, theoretical and practical movement domain, acquired authority and that holds itself in the guiding thought.

 

With some ongoing revolutions in the beginnings of the 1980s, the Peruvian Revolution composed the beginning of a second and New Wave of the World Proletarian Revolution. The advances of the people’s war in Peru under the guide of marxism-leninism-maoism gonzalo thought would reach the stage of strategic equilibrium and sustained that the World Proletarian Revolution entered on its Third Stage, of its Strategic Offensive. It threatened dangerously the reactionary power of the country, inspiring revolutionaries in all the world, when the imperialism headed by the Yankees prepared their offensive with Reagan and Thatcher, under the banner of “neoliberalism” and “globalization”. The soviet social-imperialism with Gorbachov at the head with his “Perestroika” and “Glasnost” also was rehearsing an offensive to try to stop the bankruptcy of his state capitalism, which was collapsing as part of what was the general crisis of imperialism. It was Chairman Gonzalo that analysed, in the beginnings of the 1990s, that the counterrevolutionary offensive of general and convergent character of imperialism and revisionism was unleashed in the world prevent the drawn down that was presented to imperialism. Counterrevolutionary offensive that could only take place aiming against the proletariat in general and in particular against its scientific ideology, marxism. And it was in the pinnacle of this offensive, with the already crumbling of the Warsaw Pact, in which was announced the “Death of Communism” and the “End of History”, that on the Iraq invasion war (1991), in which the social-imperialist USSR did not oppose capitulating of its contend with USA, that Bush proclaimed his “New Order” and that the “capitalism was the better world possible”.

 

The winds and storms of the reaction blew furiously over the face of Earth and the capitulation of struggle for socialism and the renounce of marxism penetrated in all the popular-labour movement and the ICM deepened its dispersion. Of the armed revisionism in Latin America that kept on war, with rare exceptions, all capitulated and renounced the revolution in the following years of 1990s and on the seventeen of the current century, as we just watched the laying down of arms by FARC from Colombia and how in the same way does the ELN in this country.

 

Riding on the masses that opened the XXIth century desperately resisting to the imperialism policies of plunder and superexploitation, and promising the heaven to them the opportunism cartel triumphed electorally in a chained way in the majority of the countries in Latin America. Already in the management of the old State, betraying its promises those opportunist forces dedicated themselves to apply the policies they used to say they combated, turning to preside the repression to the masses. Integrating the opportunist cartel are also the prominent hardened revisionists and parties that shield themselves under the mask of marxist-leninist. Together they announced the emergence of new “social actors”, according to them, revealed by the new reality emerged in the world with the failure of the “real socialism” and the establishment of the “New Order” of the “Globalization”.

 

The emergence of these governments characterizes by the bourgeoisie analysts as “turning to left”, in Latin America, represented nothing more than, in the end, the reaction of the bureaucratic fraction of the big bourgeoisie of the countries in the region. These that were, after whole decades of hegemony, dethroned from the hegemony in the State and make out of the bourgeois opportunist reformist electoral project the hope to retake the lost position, restructure the State and propel the bureaucratic capitalism. On the very contrary of the big noise by the reaction in unison with the euphoria of the whole opportunism cartel in the continent and mainly in Brazil by the opportunists and revisionists of various furs, the electoral triumph of this field was the form of which expressed the general and convergent character of imperialism and opportunism. This way that the project of opportunism was the means for the bureaucratic fraction of the big bourgeoisie to retake the hegemony of the old State apparatus. Dragging the national bourgeoisie (middle bourgeoisie) behind it with the repetition of the old “developmentist” illusion in an even more fantastical form, because concretely, as was proved by practice and its rotund failure after 13 and a half years of shift government, fulfilled strictly the imperialist prescription, deepening the deindustrialization of the country, the denationalization of the economy and the primarization for export.

 

Politically only disseminated bourgeois ideology infesting even more the labour and popular movement of the mentality of conciliation and class collaboration. The anti-scientific thought was brought especially to the university, backed by the “post-modern” relativism. Proclaiming the end or the secondarization of the classes, pointing out as transforming agents the range of manifestations so called “social movements”: “NGOs”, “ecologism”, “gender question” and “LGBT”, “indigenism”, “neoanarquism”, “racial question” and “anti-Globalization”. Respectively, euphemisms or bourgeois and petty bourgeois ideological trends negate the principality of class contradiction, negate the class struggle and the role, lead and method of organization and struggle of the proletariat, and of its scientific ideology, marxism-leninism-maoism. Serving to divide the popular masses and with such distortion to spoil the true combative and classist struggle against the destruction of the geographic environment, showing off the imperialist frightening theories and blackmail of Humanity for a next collapse and end of the world, a problem for which they present themselves as saviours, divide and truncate the true struggle of female emancipation, sabotage the struggle for self-determination of the indigenous people, reduce the struggle against racism to a mere cultural issue, trivialize the struggle against all the odious forms of discriminations and violence against people because of sexual definition, and reduce to the bourgeois reformism the struggle against imperialism. And even the discourse of “transparency” and “horizontality” announced with drums and cymbals, the practices of their organizations and their failed governments do not go beyond the most vulgar and low bourgeois methods of authoritarism, populism, tutelage of popular organizations, corporativization of the masses and the most vulgar welfare workism and electoral clientelism.

Despite of causing all this capitulation and rotting in the labour and popular movement in all the world, it deepened the dispersion in the international communist movement and disordered the reign of revisionism, opening way to the manifestation of a neo-revisionism, at the side of the fresh “theories” already referred above. As an expression of the pinnacle of the general offensive of the counterrevolution, the Peruvian Revolution suffered hard blows that hit the leadership of the CPP with the capture of its great leadership, Chairman Gonzalo. The convergent character of the Yankee imperialism and the revisionism is also clear in this case regarding the general counterrevolutionary offensive, following the imprisonment, the emerging of the right opportunist line (ROL) proposing peace agreements with the old genocidal State. In these difficult conditions the maoists of Peru carried on forward with the People’s War, combating capitulation, defying wind and tide to overcome the setback on the way, marching to culminate the general reorganization of the party, sustained on the historical I Congress, on Gonzalo Thought and the defence of the great leadership of Chairman Gonzalo.

 

But in all Latin America, even on the environment of the (already declining) general offensive character of the counterrevolution on a world level, the masses resist and more and more the combative struggles increases. Even though opportunism has prevailed temporally, deviating the masses of the revolutionary path to keep them eternally tied to the old State, the struggles and rebellions are pronounce of a new moment of revolutionary situation in unequal development. The objective basis of this situation was generated by the chronic crisis of a semicolonial-semifeudal system, secularly imposed on the continent by imperialism, mainly Yankee, that spurs the people into struggle. In the last years, this crisis was aggravated as a direct consequence of the decomposition of the very semicolonial and semifeudal material basis of its bureaucratic capitalism and the impact over it from the general crisis of imperialism that was set, in 2008, in USA itself.

 

All this avalanche of the imperialist decomposition have sharpened the fundamental contradictions of the current world. The crisis aggravates increasingly the interimperialist contradictions in the contend for new partition of the world between the hegemonic single superpower USA, and Russia, which militarily is still atomic superpower, principally, however these contradictions also are manifested between the powers of the European Union, allied with USA so far as also aggravates those contradictions with China that amplifies, increasingly, its imperialist position in the world. The sharpening of these interimperialist contradictions are operated principally through the greater intervention and aggression with wars of plunder and for the partitions of whole countries, especially in the so called Expanded Middle East and the higher plunder over all the remaining oppressed countries.

 

The contradiction between nation and imperialism, principal contradiction of the imperialist epoch is even more aggravated, potentiating the peoples resistance struggles and their liberation wars, as well as peasant struggles for land and of the proletariat masses, semiproletariats and of the urban petty bourgeoisie in defence of its trampled rights in the rest of the countries oppressed by imperialism. As well as the contradiction between proletariat and bourgeoisie sharpened by the successive policies of the imperialist governments in deprive the harshly conquered rights of the workers, the hard “reforms” of laws of social protection and assistance, spurs the proletarian masses to protests and revolts more radicalised each day. The wars of aggression of the imperialists are turned against their own country each time more, the conflicts intensify with the rise of chauvinism. Especially in the European powers the popular protest grow, like the strikes in France and the violent clashes with the police forces by the youth and workers against the G20 summit in Hamburg, in Germany.

 

This is how, in this framework, the great challenge for the communists and the popular masses of Brazil, of Latin America, as of the rest of the world, more than ever is to follow the Shining October Path as the general path for the conquest of the Power. Or, the forge in Communist Party education, now as militarized Communist Party, and of the masses in combating opportunism and on revolutionary violence.  Concretely this corresponds, firstly, the constitution where does not exist and reconstitution where the communist parties were drawn down by revisionism, of true communist parties as marxist-leninist-maoists communist parties to conduct the popular masses in the revolutionary war as People’s War, for the conquest of Power, as does the CPP in Peru, the CPI(Maoist) in India and as in many countries the maoist communists as making the preparations for the unleashing of new People’s Wars, overcoming step by step the dispersion on the ICM.

 

Such progress will be achieved only through the Communist Party in the struggle against imperialism and all reaction, combating implacably and inseparably revisionism and all opportunism to unmask them and sweep them away part by part, liberating the immense revolutionary energies of the basic masses united in the united front of the revolutionary classes, based on the worker-peasant alliance and the creation of the revolutionary army of a new type, to defeat the local reaction, unleashing the unitary People’s War, countryside as principal and city as necessary complement, to sweep away semifeudality, bureaucratic capitalism and imperialist domination, carrying out the revolution of New Democracy and to pass uninterrupted to the socialist revolution. For the imperialist countries the task to carry out the socialist revolution, the same way the three instruments of the revolution are demanded, of which leadership is the militarized Communist Party to wage People’s War, applied to each particularity and concrete situations. All serving the world revolution and, through successive proletarian cultural revolutions, to march firm to the final goal of the shining Communism.

On throwing an accurate blow at the common enemy, the October Revolution gave to the peoples of all countries an example and showed the path of the struggle for liberation of the exploited and oppressed masses. Showed the means for the masses to fulfil the right to choose about their own fates which were deepened and developed on the rough course that followed the proletarian revolution through the XXth century until nowadays. In this way, the teachings of the October Revolution, the Shining October Path are still valid in this epoch, the one that was precisely defined and pronounced Chairman Mao, the epoch of the most advanced decomposition of imperialism on which it and all the reaction are swept away of the face of Earth through the World Proletarian Revolution. Validity that is expressed fully and plainly on the calling that Chairman Gonzalo, 25 years ago, addressed to the communist of all the world with his defying speech to constitute or reconstitute militarized communist parties to unleash more and more People’s Wars to raise the New Wave of the World Proletarian Revolution to new heights, elevating maoism to the command and guide of the world revolution.

 

Long live the 100 years of the Great October Socialist Revolution!
Eternal Honour and Glory to the Heroic Bolshevik Party and the Great Lenin and Stalin!
Long live the People’s War in Peru, India, Philippines and Turkey!
Down with revisionism and all opportunism!
Long live marxism-leninism-maoism, principally maoism and the contributions of universal value of Gonzalo thought!
Defend the life and health of Chairman Gonzalo and his almighty thought!

 

Revolutionary Front in Defence of the People’s Rights — Brazil

 

 


 

1 “The Beginning of the Revolution in Russia”, V.I,Lenin, January 1905

2 “The October Revolution and the Tactics of the Russian Communists”, J.V.Stalin, 17 December 1924

3 Ibid

4 Mao Tsetung – Selected Works

5 Mao Tsetung – Selected Works

6 CPCh CC Decision on the GPCR 8 August 1966.

7 Mao Tsetung – Selected Works

8 Note of PCdoB on the 90 years of the Socialist Revolution of 1917, in Russia, 29 October 2007 (sitio vermelho.org.com.br)

9 Ibid

10 Ibid

11 Ibid

12 “Challenges of socialism on XXIth century” - Luiz Fernandes PCdoB – Sitio vermelho.org.com.br

13 From Earl Browder, the president of the Communist Party of USA in the 1940s.

14 Chairman Gonzalo, Interview  for El Diario newspaper.

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