Following we want to document an important article on occasio of the 127th anniveresary of the Birth of Chariman Mao Zeedong by the Editorial Staff of El Maoista Magazine:
Proletarians of all countries, unite!
HOIST, DEFEND AND APPLY MAOISM TO SOLVE NEW PROBLEMS IN THE NEW SITUATION THAT WORLD HISTORY IS ENTERING! Today, on December 26th, we, the international proletariat and the peoples of the world, celebrate the 127th anniversary of the birth of Chairman Mao, who together with Marx and Lenin is one of the three great titans of thought and action generated by the international proletariat in its heroic epic of class struggle of more than 172 years since the Manifesto of the Communist Party of Marx and Engels. The Chairman has been the protagonist and leader, the highest leader and chief of the Chinese and world revolution; he is the one who developed Marxism to its third, new and higher stage of the ideology of the international proletariat: Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, mainly Maoism that we are hoisting, defending and applying. Chairman Mao Tse-tung was born on 26 December 1893, he opened his eyes in a world shaken by the flames of war; war; son of peasants, he was seven years old when “Boxer Rebellions” began; a student at a Teachers’ Training College, he was in his eighteenth year when the empire collapsed and he enlisted himself as a soldier, later to become a great organizer of peasants and of the youth in Hunan, his native province. Founder of the Communist Party and of the Red Army of workers and peasants, he established the path of encircling the cities from the countryside developing People’s War as the military theory of the proletariat. He was the theoretician of New Democracy and founder of the People’s Republic; a promoter of the Great Leap Forward and of the development of socialism; the guidance of the struggle against the contemporary revisionism of Khrushchev and his henchmen, leader and guidance of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. These are landmarks of a life devoted thoroughly and solely to the revolution. Moreover, the centre of the revolution moved to China as it had moved to Russia and to Germany before: from France to Germany, from Germany to Russia and from Russia to China, where Maoism was concreted as the centre of the world revolution. It is in the context of both the national and international class struggle that the Chairman has become the highest peak of Marxism. Historically, this is how it was defined. Lenin said, Revolution generates the men it needs when it requires it. The elevation of Marxism-Leninism to a third, new and higher stage is the main thing of Chairman Mao Tse-tung, the main aspect of Maoism Chairman Gonzalo has defined Maoism as the third, new and higher stage of our ideology and has specified the basic content of Maoism, pointing out that Chairman Mao Tse-tung developed the three component parts of Marxism, Marxist philosophy, Marxist political economy and scientific socialism to a higher level, which implies a universal qualitative leap. All the rest are derivations that can be included in any of the three parts. Chairman Gonzalo, by defining Maoism, has exposed the basic questions of the content of Maoism, almost simply enunciated but known and undeniable and has established it on the 1st Congress of the PCP. This shows the development of Chairman Mao of the three component parts of Marxism and the evident elevation of Marxism-Leninism to a third, new and higher stage, and that is the main aspect of Chairman Mao Tse-tung, that is the main aspect of Maoism and the fundamental aspect is the power conquered and defended by People’s War. What could be greater in the Chairman than having developed Marxism-Leninism, what could be his greatest contribution? Maoism. Without the just and correct ideology we would have nothing. Marxism has three component parts. It is very important to reiterate that Marxism has three parts, thus it was created by Marx, developed and recognised by Lenin and reiterated and raised even more by Chairman Mao. Why is it necessary to be very clear on this? Because revisionism has tried to introduce a fourth part, tried to put forward philosophy on the one hand, materialism applied to the social world on the other hand, economy as a third part and scientific socialism as a fourth part. That has no raison d’être, no sense, it goes against the principles. Now, starting from the main point of Chairman Mao, which is the greatest aspect that the elevation of Marxism-Leninism to a third, new and higher stage has given to us, Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, our just and correct ideology, we are going to focus on the Chairman’s development of the essence of dialectics following the foundation of Chairman Gonzalo. Chairman Mao developed the essence of dialectics, the law of contradiction, establishing it as the only fundamental law, there is no other. In On Practice and in On Contradiction he states why it is the only fundamental law. Because there is no other. One could speak about principles, if we are talking about derived laws, in this case, yes. But the basis of the problem is that it is the only fundamental one. Its understanding is a question of theory and practice. That is why Chairman Gonzalo states that it is with the People’s War initiated in May 1980 in Peru that we have understood Maoism more profoundly. That is why the PCP started the campaign for Maoism in 1982. He teaches us that Chairman Mao established the law of knowledge, developing what is in Lenin and what was specifically put forward by Engels. Lenin said, Capital is a monument of dialectics a monument of contradiction; in the commodity and its definition. This is how he conceives it as a contradiction. Then you will understand how Marx understood it. The problem is that it was not explicitly stated, because more time is needed for a deepening. On the basis of what others like Marx or the Great Lenin did, the Chairman could reach that far. We must emphasize that he applied masterly the law of contradiction to politics like nobody else! From the point of view of knowledge, the Chairman handled the general political line as a problem of theory of knowledge, and therefore as a contradiction. He brought the philosophy to the masses, fulfilling the task that Marx left. During the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, he put philosophy into the hands of the masses in order to solve concrete, real problems. He said: Philosophy is a weapon to clean the mind, to clean the cobwebs, to make reality visible! He applied the dialectics, the law of contradiction, philosophy, to analyse the basis-superstructure relationship and by continuing the struggle of Marxism-Leninism against the revisionist Bernsteinite thesis of ‘productive forces’ held by Liu and Teng, he concluded that the superstructure, the consciousness can modify the basis and with political power develop the productive forces. Developing the Leninist idea of politics as a concentrated expression of economy, he established politics as the command, (applicable at all levels) and political work is the lifeline of economic work; which led to a real handling of political economy and not just economic policy. He crushed Liu and his theory of “developing capitalism” and imposed the uninterrupted transition from democratic revolution to socialist revolution. Politics is the command. Chairman Mao takes the ‘concentrated expression‘ established by Lenin and elevates it to the command of politics on all fronts, also in the economy, of all action, everything has to be under the command of politics, the economy as well; because if economic construction has no politics, it has no soul, it has no direction, it has no new class character: What we would do is simply leave the overflow and the development of capitalism and therefore we would maintain the old order, the old classes, that is what we would do. In “The Yenan Forum“, 1942, he said, politics is the soul and he who has no politics is soulless, he has no soul. War also has to be under the command of politics, that’s why it is directed through plans, otherwise you fall into improvisation, into haste. “Power grows out of the barrel of a gun“, but “the Party commands the gun, and the gun must never be allowed to command the Party.“ Chairman Mao is struggling against the revisionist thesis of ‘productive forces’. In On Contradiction, he states that although the basis is determinant, otherwise we would not be materialists, the superstructure, politics becomes the main aspect, especially in the revolution is it principal. And in politics, if you don’t have a programme, it is principal to define, to sanction it; and when you wage war and you don’t have a plan, the plan is principal, because if you don’t prepare the war, you will fall into improvisation, into haste. He states only by taking politics as command we can have a political economy, otherwise we would fall only into economical policies; but the problem of political economy is the set of relations of exploitation in one case, or of production in another case, according to the historical moment. The Chairman arms us against the idea that ‘capitalism must be developed’, with political economy, and against ‘the intermediate revolution’, defending the uninterrupted revolution. Furthermore, anyone who does not understand the Maoist thesis of bureaucratic capitalism, which is vital for Asia, Africa and Latin America and even (Eastern) Europe itself, does not understand the two revolutions, nor their condition as an uninterrupted unity with two stages, that is the problem. The Chairman masterfully applied the law of contradiction to politics and war. Thus, based on political economy, he established the strategy of world revolution, of villages in the world and metropolises in the world. Of course from the point of view of political economy. It is the thesis of the high international political strategy, but where did he get it from? He bases it on the economy, on the forms of relation of production of the backward countries and the forms of relation of exploitation of the advanced, imperialist countries or whatever you want to call them, on this interrelation, on this contradiction. That about the theory of political economy in general, on the basis of dialectics, on the basis of contradiction, because all relations of production and exploitation imply contradictory aspect. As Marx said, in the very cell of capitalism which is the commodity there is the bourgeois-proletarian contradiction. Political economy can never be understood apart from philosophy, apart from contradiction, we would be going against the one fundamental law. The lesson we are drawing from this foundation of Chairman Gonzalo is that we have to see everything and war even more as a contradiction, warlike confrontation between revolution and counter-revolution in the world, between revolution and counter-revolution in each country and who is the axis for the Maoists to handle these two contradictions? The Communist Party. And this is a contradiction, therefore it is up to the communists to handle the two-line struggle in the party to impose the red line, to keep the party red, to keep the right wing crushed to fight revisionism as the main danger in the party. There are three contradictions, by handling the contradiction in the party as a two-line struggle we handle the other two contradictions. Law of knowledge. Philosophy, contradiction: objectivity and subjectivity in understanding the laws of revolution. Finally, says Chairman Gonzalo, we must take into account the teachings of Chairman Mao on objectivity and subjectivity in understanding and handling the laws of socialism. Law of Knowledge: Is it or is it not philosophy, contradiction? It is only a few decades, not enough time has passed for us to know profoundly the laws of socialism, and if we do not know them profoundly, how are we going to manage them? There are those who despair of the restorations (which is expressed as a restoration-counter-restoration contradiction), they despair of not having built socialism. Well, but what examples do we have before, if we have never built a socialist society? In a few decades its laws cannot be known, it takes time, time, time.., but we still need the matter itself, the very relationship of socialist production to be expressed, the dictatorship itself to be developed, the dictatorship of the proletariat, and then, understanding these laws, we will handle them and we will have to handle them specifically, applying them to concrete reality. Power, conquered and defended through People’s War, is fundamental in Maoism Revolution is a lever. Principally the relationship between revolution and the economic process cannot be separated, it cannot be broken: the relationship boosts economic development. No class in history has fully developed its forms of relationship of exploitation without taking power: first there was the seizure of power in England by the bourgeoisie in 1688 and in the following century there was the industrial revolution, not to be forgotten, even within the bourgeoisie. Socialist forms are only created with the New Power, elemental and largely with the dictatorship of the proletariat, so we understand that it takes time and we understand that the revolution makes it dynamic, opens the field for the new form to take shape. Revolution is a lever, that’s why Marx said: the most revolutionary thing that exists is the class as a productive force because it is revolutionary par excellence and generates revolution, and by generating it, it develops the revolution economically, it develops the new forms, that is the biggest thing that exists, so Marx and Engels said. Chairman Mao masterfully applies philosophy, materialist dialectics, contradiction to war, revolution as the violent replacement of one class by another. The Chairman reaffirms this once again, and even more so when he says that it is a universal law, without exception. That is extraordinary. The Chairman says it is a universal law and specifies violence as war and an army to conquer power and thus resolve the fundamental contradictions of a society; he states universal law, without exception, it rules everywhere, that is to say universal, it is he who has put this forward. And, war for Maoism is People’s War, led by the Communist Party. The need to take into account the situation of the two hills, ours and the enemy’s, the hill of revolution being the principal one for us. Also, according to the contradiction, the internal conditions are the determinant and the external conditions are for initiation, development and victory of the revolution. That every revolution is part and in the service of the world revolution. He establishes the way of encircling the cities from the countryside for the backward countries. “Power grows out of the barrel of a gun“, 1927, that is when the Chairman raised this thesis, at the August meeting, after all the massacre made by the miserable Chiang Kai-shek, then the Chairman raised: Power grows out of the barrel of a gun and then he raised the problem of the way: to encircle the cities from the countryside. The Autumn Harvest Uprising is 9th September 1927; as everyone knows, he gathered soldiers, organised them into the army linked to the Party because they were within the Kuomintang army but there were some parts that obeyed the communists, he gathered those parts and made battalions also with workers and peasants. This is the Autumn Harvest Uprising. It came to an initial clash and disbandment, then regrouped the forces and marched to Ching kang and created the power, after having created the red army of workers and peasants. In Introducing ‘The Communist’, he teaches us: Why many comrades fell into opportunism? by mechanical application. It is in a long process that the general laws are established, it is 1936 in Problems of Strategy in China’s Revolutionary War that the law is established for the first time, 9 years later. With this, it solves a pending problem, because it was not known, how to make revolution and how to conduct it in a country under imperialist rule with feudalism in its base and bureaucratic capital. This is how he solved the problem, it was the Chairman who solved it and in this way he is developing the democratic revolution under the leadership of the proletariat led by the Communist Party. Everything is a contradiction. Another great development is about the theory of classes in socialism. The continuation of the antagonistic struggle between proletariat and bourgeoisie, between socialist and capitalist road, and between socialism and capitalism. The Chairman, taking into account what has already been said about classes, raised the fundamental law of socialism, of the general political line, that is why it is called the fundamental political line. What is the problem? The problem is that there is an antagonistic class struggle, it is not defined who will defeat whom; historically, yes, we know that the proletariat will win, but politically, concretely, it is practically an arduous contest, a fierce contest. Here the Chairman begins to unfold more and more the temporary largesse of the class struggle and of socialism, that the process of the class struggle and of socialism will be long. A process of settling the dictatorship of the proletariat until its extinction in the midst of the process of restoration-counter-restoration. Lenin taught, setbacks, defeats are not mourned, lessons are learned. What we have to see is how the power of the dictatorship of the proletariat is established and is advancing and these are undeniable advances: 1871, The Commune, ephemeral, but the Commune, new power, dictatorship of the proletariat for the first time concreted on the Earth; 1905, the Soviets; 1917, 1949, 1966. These are steps in the development of the power of the proletariat towards the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat, the establishment, it cannot be said definitively, of the proletariat’s power for a long historical period until the definitive leap to communism is made, where it will be extinguished as has been masterfully established by Engels. To draw lessons, to see the course of how the class advances to its own settlement, how the dictatorship of the proletariat advances to its own settlement, how the vanguard of the proletariat advances in leading the revolution all over the world, that is what we have to think about. The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. Utmost important! It was not known how to make the revolution in the backward countries and the Chairman solved the problem; it was not known how to make the continuation under the dictatorship and the Chairman solved the problem: the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and without that it would not be possible to advance. These are two great milestones for the Chairman. It is historically in perspective the most transcendental thing about Chairman Mao, but today it is not the order of the day, today it is the order of the day to assume and embody Maoism as a new, third and higher stage of the ideology of the proletariat, generating Communist Parties of a new type, Marxist-Leninist-Maoist militarised to make the democratic revolution and the socialist revolution. The revisionists and the right wingers want to focus on cultural revolution to counterbalance. On the question of new democracy. The Chairman establishes it in order to develop the theory of the State by proposing a joint dictatorship as a State system; that is what the Chairman does and that is the basis of the new democracy. There, what the Chairman does is to shape the democratic revolution led by the proletariat through the Communist Party, that is what he does, part of the world revolution; he reiterates this question expressly in the new democracy; every revolutionary movement after 1917 is part of the world proletarian revolution, whatever the stage of the revolution is and only the proletariat can lead it, nobody else. Here we also see the masterful handling of the three contradictions of the democratic revolution and under which conditions one becomes the main one, for example, the contradiction nation-imperialism when imperialism invades the country. But how to do it: armed, as he states in Problems of War and Strategy, only with guns can the whole world be transformed, because otherwise it cannot be done. Then he develops on the problem of the construction of the instruments of the revolution, he poses to the Party the understanding of the interrelation of the Party, the army and the united front; and understanding and managing the interrelation of the three in the middle of the war or in the maintenance of the new state based on the power of the armed people expresses a just and correct work of leadership. The construction is guided by the principle of the just and correct ideological line deciding everything, and it is on this ideological-political basis that simultaneously the organisational construction is developed, in the midst of the struggle between the proletarian and bourgeois lines and in the storm of class struggle, mainly People’s War, as the principal form of struggle whether it is actual or potential. THE PEOPLE’S WAR: Military theory of the international proletariat established by Chairman Mao Thus, everything is a contradiction and war is even more, the highest form of class struggle as a continuation of politics by warlike means. THE PEOPLE’S WAR – Military theory of the international proletariat: How is the military theory of the proletariat concreted in two words? People’s War. People’s War is the term used by Marx and Engels, they used it; Lenin more insisted on problems of the masses. Obviously it is part of the People’s War, but it is the Chairman who has developed the theory of the proletariat. Every class in history generates its own way of waging war; the bourgeoisie generated it and without generating it it would not have been able to triumph; Napoleon, in this sense, did enough. Military theory of the proletariat implies universal validity; this is the point under discussion. People’s War is universal and it must be understood well, because, what does it mean? Applicable in all circumstances in which the proletariat leads, taking into account the character of the revolution: if it is democratic, if it is socialist or if it is cultural revolution, apply it; and take into account the specific conditions of each country. Chairman Mao raised the guerrilla warfare used as a tactical instrument to a strategic level. Guerrilla warfare is very old. It has been and is being used by the reactionary armies as a complement, as a tactical instrument; it is the Chairman who raises guerrilla warfare to a strategic level, he has been. What does this mean? That he proposes that a war can be waged in the whole country with guerrilla warfare, managed as a whole, thus raised to a strategic level. As he himself says: our case is not that of the USSR where there is a regular army that uses guerrillas, so he states, this is very clear in Strategic problems of the anti-Japanese war where he raises the six strategic problems, of which war, then, of the guerrilla war, starting from establishing it, I reiterate, as strategic. In China the Chairman is raising it to a strategic level; it is no longer complementary, that is what we need to understand. Chairman Mao planned the development of the People’s War for the atomic war. Some people say that in order to oppose the universality of the People’s War, but the People’s War will not be like an atomic war. Well, Chairman Mao planned the development of the People’s War after the reorganisation of the army of a new type, for the atomic war, -because the atomic weapon appears in 1945, don’t forget, August 45, and what did the Chairman said about the atomic bomb? Chairman Mao Tse-tung said that the atomic weapon doesn’t change the war, it is one more weapon of generalised killing, that’s right, but it doesn’t change the character of the war because the character of the war is political, it is politics by warlike means, that doesn’t change. Chairman Mao Tse-tung ordered the production of the atomic bomb and hydrogen bomb; in 1964 they exploded the atomic bomb for the first time; the following day Khrushchev’s beast fell, so we should remember 1964; in 1967, when the Albanian Congress, the 5th, was held, the first Chinese rocket with an atomic charge was fired. So did the Chairman know about atomic bombs and did he know about missiles or not, did he? The question is, what new weapons are there in the war: more powerful atomic weapons. Military theory has to be studied profoundly, because what are weapons, a development from stone to rocket, because what else is it? Military theory is well studied and it is a great thing that this is so, it had to be so because it is one of the most serious things that men do on earth, that is extremely serious. The Chairman conceived of the development of People’s Warfare with atomic weapons and rockets; was this simply an imaginative idea of Chairman Mao Tse-tung, no; military strategists say it is clear and understandable that People’s Warfare can be developed using atomic weapons as well. So the military theory of the proletariat does not change. The military theory of the class is another masterly application of Chairman Mao of the contradiction to war, the highest form of the class struggle of the proletariat and he has given us the military theory of the proletariat, the last class of history, the People’s War of universal validity, that is to say applicable to all kinds of revolutions and circumstances where the proletariat leads through its party, the Communist Party. We reaffirm that the greatest contribution that Chairman Mao has given to us is the development of Marxism-Leninism to Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. Without a just and correct ideology we would have nothing. We reaffirm that without Gonzalo Thought it is not possible to understand the theoretical and practical work of Chairman Mao – Maoism. We reaffirm the need to understand more deeply the theoretical and practical work of Chairman Gonzalo as a whole, starting from how he understands Marxist theory in order to embody more its universally valid contributions to the world revolution. Hoist, defend and apply Maoism – our just and correct ideology – to solve new problems in the new situation that is opening up! It is appropriate to hoist, defend and apply Maoism, our just and correct ideology, in order to solve the new problems in the new situation we are entering in the world history, which will be increasingly marked by the warlike contest between revolution and counter-revolution, a contest that inevitably leads us to a new period of revolutions within the new era, of the world proletarian revolution, opened with the Great October Revolution of 1917 led by the great Lenin and the Bolshevik Party. A new period is opening, since revolution has become the main historical and political tendency in the world; world proletarian revolution, which in the 80’s of the previous century entered its stage of strategic offensive and sweeping imperialism off the face of the earth. When imperialism expresses more and more its greatest decomposition, in the midst of which its general and ultimate crisis is worsening, it is currently suffering from the greatest overproduction economic crisis of its whole existence and the aggravation of all its contradictions, in the midst of greater imperialist collusion and struggle; which shows that imperialism is sinking in the midst of wars of all kinds; The anti-crisis measures which, in the midst of the intensified collusion and struggle between the reactionary factions in each country, are unloaded on the masses, the objective conditions for the revolution are maturing more and more; the uneven development of the revolutionary situation in the world, with the development of the subjective forces of the revolution, will be more and more increasing. The new great wave of the world proletarian revolution is developing and the explosiveness of the masses is manifesting everywhere and filling the world reaction with fear. Representatives of imperialism, reaction and revisionism are calling for plans to lower the explosiveness of the masses and to avert the liaison with the leadership of the Communist Party to organise themselves in revolution, in People’s War, as a scientific organisation of poverty. In the situation described above, lightening torches illuminating the path, to follow the People’s Wars in Peru, India, Turkey and the Philippines. Showing that Maoism is being embodied by the proletariat and the peoples of the world and is moving towards generating Communist Parties of a new type, militarised Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties to initiate and develop new People’s Wars that will mark this whole new period of world history as the new period of revolutions, showing the inevitability and invincibility of People’s War. The new situation is testing the communists of the world. A new situation, which puts us before two different and opposite tactics and paths in the International Communist Movement (ICM). There are those who try to mix the way of People’s War and the just and correct tactic of boycott with the old way of parliamentary cretinism and participation in the reactionary elections by supporting reactionary candidates or launching “own” (opportunist and revisionist) ones. Those who take this position within the ICM, proceed not as Maoists but converge with revisionism, which as Lenin says, Revisionism sacrifices the cardinal interests of the proletariat to conform with the needs of the bourgeoisie. Those who assume this position, because of problems of understanding or because of absolute bad faith, confuse the need of the Communist Parties to struggle for the lead of struggle of the masses for rights, freedoms, benefits, etc., in order to defend what has been won in the hard days of class struggle, to raise it to a struggle for power. Confusing the incorporation of the masses into the People’s War by leaps (once everything serves the development of the People’s War as the main form of struggle), if it has been initiated, or to bring the struggle of the masses to the overflow if the People’s War has not been initiated yet (if it has not been started yet, to start it) with focusing on “democratic” struggle, on participating in the elections to legitimize the change of reactionary authorities. This is rotten liberalism, which Lenin condemned as: “… the form of socialist opportunism. They interpreted the period of preparing the forces for great battles as renunciation of these battles. Improvement of the conditions of the slaves to fight against wage slavery they took to mean the sale by the slaves of their right to liberty for a few pence. They cravenly preached “social peace” (i.e., peace with the slave-owners), renunciation of the class struggle, etc.” It is not possible to mix up the two ways, to pretend a third way that passes between the two. It only serves the old, inconclusive way of votes, of elections to facilitate and “legitimise” the replacement of the reactionary authorities of the old state. Therefore, it is not a “tactic” but another line as far as the revolution is concerned that is known as the right opportunist line (ROL), which is revisionist and capitulationist. We call upon those who are putting forward this wrong path and agreeing with the revisionism of the ROL to rectify themselves and practice Marxism and not revisionism. Ask yourselves why revisionism proceeds in this way in the question that has to do with the fundamentals of Maoism, with the People’s War? Lenin said, The dialectic of history is such that the theoretical victory of Marxism forces its enemies to disguise themselves as Marxists. Stop following revisionist recipes! Therefore, it is not a question of “tactics”, of “using all forms of struggle”, which always according to the core of materialist dialectics, the contradiction, should serve the main aspect, that is to say we use everything and everyone to serve the development of the principal form of struggle, the People’s War, and we reject everything that leads to deviation from this path, leads to capitulation and betrayal of the revolution. Those who are proposing to combine the People’s War with the parliamentary way are deeply wrong from the Maoist conception, they are rapidly marching to break through the path of revisionism and call upon us to follow them. What they are proposing is not only a contrary tactic but a line that is contrary and opposite to the just and correct Maoist line of People’s War to conquer and defend the power. If not, then show us, in which country has the People’s War advanced, through this “tactic” that is claimed to be smart? It is a reprint of the “fool’s tale” of the so-called third way, which was raised by the revisionist Avakian in the beginning of the 80’s of the previous century, which was crushed within RIM by the PCP with People’s War. Then, in 2006, there was another attempt to combine the “People’s War” through talks and “peace agreements” with the way of parliamentary and constituent cretinism. Prachandra and the opportunist leaders joined the old state and betrayed the revolution, and the people of Nepal did not get anything from the parliament and the elections. They have shown that this way is the abandonment of the People’s War. Let the way of renegade and betrayal of the ROL in Peru serve as a negative lesson. And what about the revisionist and capitulationist right opportunist line (ROL)? In the Yankee CIA-Peruvian ROL hoax against Chairman Gonzalol, Maoism, Gonzalo Thought, the Party and the People’s War, raised “peace talks” in the “peace letters” prepared by CIA agent Merino, because the enemy had achieved successes and the Party had entered into leadership problems. Then in 2000 “solution to the problems of the internal war and national reconciliation” to later raise its “tactic” of focusing on “defence of fundamental rights” and then the “front for fundamental rights” was formed as an electoral front and they raised their registration with the authorities of the old Peruvian State (Office of Electoral Processes). They took the path of revisionism, capitulated and went to openly serve the plans of imperialism and the Peruvian reaction, as always, not only in the country but also in the world. Now, in the face of the new situation in the world, of the new period of revolutions that we are entering, Peruvian imperialism and reaction fighting Maoism and the People’s War, is trying to raise the revisionist and capitulationist ROL, through a “Yankee CIA operation” led by an agent of it from the Ministry of Interior of the old Peruvian state. The ROL is a political party, which has raised the hoax again and through a widely publicised denunciation of the prosecution, it is promoting the idea that Chairman Gonzalo is behind the creation of the electoral ogre of the ROL, the so-called MOVADEF, which is allegedly led by the Chairman, the PCP and is the would-be third instrument of the People’s War and that the propaganda for the “new constitution” and its electoral body, the MOVADEF, is the second instrument, the People’s Guerilla Army, and through it the ROL carries out agitation and armed propaganda actions. Trying to present the ROL and its capitulation as a tactic. It is necessary to defend the leadership of Chairman Gonzalo and Gonzalo Thought against all reactionary lies, to reject, condemn and crush this new attempt to muddy the image of the leader of the world revolution, the greatest living Marxist-Leninist-Maoist on the face of the earth, to infame him as a revisionist. To defend him against the lies of the CIA-Reaction-LOD. It is necessary to continue to push forward the campaign for Maoism inextricably linked with the campaign for the defence of Chairman Gonzalo as a Maoist counter-campaign against the ongoing counter-revolutionary campaign as part of the general counter-revolutionary offensive led by the US imperialism as the only hegemonic superpower, in collusion and struggle with the atomic superpower Russia and other imperialist and reactionary and revisionist forces of the world. Go against the current and practice two-line struggle. To see that as a result of the ideological dynamics what is reflected in the open revisionist positions taken by the right wingers within the ICM, interviews and statements of the people representing these positions follow one another, under the guise of greeting the anniversary of Chairman Mao, without mentioning it directly they join the attack against the definition of Maoism and on the Peruvian revolution, the People’s War in Peru, Chairman Gonzalo and Gonzalo Thought; these people defend social imperialist China, repeating Kaustky they focus on saying that China did not have military bases abroad yet. Despite the fact that China invaded the territorial waters of other countries in the Pacific; like good disciples of Avakian, they want us to believe that the revolution comes from the inter-imperialist struggle. The revolution does not come from the reactionaries but from the theory and practice of the revolutionaries, concreted in the People’s War. Demolish their “tactics”. The alleged impossible mixture of the two ways and the “two tactics”, in reality mixing two opposite and contrary lines, can only lead to confusing the masses and to the capitulation of the parties and organisations that practice it under the tale of not being “dogmatic”, of not “isolating from the middle and backward masses”. All this is nonsense, it is only a pretext to put oneself behind one or another reactionary candidate. The result is to isolate the masses fighting in the countryside by taking the main form of struggle (armed struggle) from the broad masses in the cities; this tactic leaves the cities entirely in the hands of the reactionary power and does not prepare the cities for the insurrection from the very beginning. The cities where they concentrate on the legalist activity are left alone and the party organisation takes the forms corresponding to the electoral participation, the party committees become district committees or rather electoral district committees. From underground party committees they become legal committees (right-wing liquidationism). Thus, the People’s War, which should be the main one, becomes secondary, a mean of pressure for the electoral participation or the famous “peace dialogues” for the pre-vendors and sinecures of opportunists and revisionists in the service of the old order of oppression. Neither with the elections nor with these famous “dialogues” have the people, let alone by the revolutionary party, managed to win anything. Nothing good for the people can come from the reactionary elections, the parliament and the reactionary governments; everything good comes from the People’s War. In the imperialist countries we see revisionists like Avakian who call to vote for one of the reactionary candidates (Biden from the DP) under the pretext of the struggle against “fascism” (the arch-reactionary Trump from the RP) and following the same logic others congratulate the voters for having rejected with their electoral participation this reactionary candidate by voting for the rival reactionary candidate, celebrating the victory of the candidate as a victory of the masses against the Trump government. Even the candidates themselves have denounced the US elections as a fraud; each one with different reasons, but they have hit the nail on the head; that is to say, the US electoral system is so fraudulent, the thing is so scandalous, that the questioning of the elections comes from the system itself. Thus, elections in an imperialist country or in any other country of bureaucratic capitalism elections are not means to express the will of the people. They are only means to change the reactionary authorities. Therefore, in the face of the spontaneous rejection of the elections, parties and other institutions of the imperialist state by the masses, which was shown in their disinterest and ever decreasing participation in the electoral process and voting, the elections that are celebrated not only by the declared revisionists but also by some right-wingers, were crucial for the US imperialism, internally and externally. This spontaneous rejection of the reactionary elections by the masses is served by the tactic of boycott of the reactionary elections that converge with the People’s War or its preparation, as it has been just and correct applied by the Maoists in the USA. The revolution comes from the people, from the action of the revolutionaries, as shown by the People’s Wars that persist despite difficult and complex situations they have to face, thus they develop by overcoming and challenging all kinds of difficulties. We salute the communists who are rebuilding their parties and challenging death to fulfil their new tasks with new forces. The supporters of the third way such as Avakian have always talked about doing parliamentary struggle in the cities and People’s War in the countryside trying to make us believe that the two antagonistic ways can be mixed, and then end up as renegades of Maoism and People’s War. The year that is ending has been a year of great storms where the great explosiveness of the masses has been expressed and in the middle of them the advance of the communists in fulfilling the pending task of the Communist Party and preparations. We salute the communists and other revolutionaries of the world for the victories achieved. We salute the communists, who are called upon to take up new tasks, to boldly mobilise the masses in the struggle for their rights, especially the most sacred of all their rights, the power, for the new year that is already at the gates and that is announced as a new year of bigger and more shaking storms and tempests of the class struggle all over the world that will shake the old order of exploitation and oppression from its foundations all over the earth. The communists must show their courage in this situation. It is up to the communists to develop the world revolution through the People’s War by starting new People’s Wars, in the current stage of strategic defence within the moment of the Strategic Offensive of the World Revolution (1), in the present conditions of greater difficulties of the imperialist and reactionary enemy due to the greatest decomposition and collapse on all levels all over the world, it corresponds to bold advance with the wind in their favour. We welcome the forthcoming holding of the First International Unified Maoist Conference and the New International Organisation of the Proletariat as a great victory that must be realised in order to give a new great impulse to the task of the reunification of communists on a world level in a redivision of the International Communist Movement on the path of the reconstitution of the Communist International through the coordination of the People’s Wars, today, in development and those to come and those that will come together in the great torrent of World People’s War. The Editorial Staff of El Maoista Magazine 26 December 2020 (1)Chairman Gonzalo has stated that there are three moments in the process of world revolution, of sweeping imperialism and reaction from the face of the earth: 1st Strategic defence; 2nd Strategic balance; and 3rd Strategic offensive of the world revolution. He did this by applying the law of contradiction to the revolution because contradiction rules in everything and every contradiction has two aspects in struggle, in this case revolution and counter-revolution. Moreover, every moment has three stages, which are also of the strategic defensive, equilibrium and offensive.