The first thirty days of government evidenced, in facts, all the inconsistency of Bolsonaro and his clique, while his government is proven to be a constitutional screen where the preventive counterrevolutionary military coup, unleashed by the High Command of the reactionary Armed Forces, is concealed. The following months will make clear that Bolsonaro can only play the role of figurehead, and yet, as far as and as long as he is useful.
Starting with the basic question that was so much emphasized in his promises to change "all that is there". Evidences of irregularities with public money involving his son, Senator Flávio Bolsonaro and his relationship with militia chiefs of Rio de Janeiro, have already divided the “bolsonarista core“. The nonsense that was displayed by ministry-level collaborators, such as Ministers Damares Alves and Ernesto Araújo (minister of foreign affairs) both of whom insist on prioritizing ideological issues such as what they call a "gender issue", "politically correct" , "Cultural Marxism" and "School without Party", only serves as a smokescreen to cover the negotiations to approve the "social security reform", in addition to clash with the agenda of Paulo Guedes. Bolsonaro's open defense for the transfer of the Brazilian Embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem and the installation of the US military base in Brazilian soil cost him objection and denials by subordinates and commanders. The change of the embassy was emphatically emptied by the vice, General Mourão, while he was hosting representatives of Arab countries. The USA base generated irritations, to the point of provoking a real public rebuke to the president of the country, for totally opening the secret game of the military High Command.
Another facet is the distancing of the pressthat was generated by the persistence of communicating with his audience of internet insane spreaders, led by the Bolsonaro "boys", creepy children of Olavo de Carvalho.
Such things distract the attention of public opinion, commentators and analysts from world politics, while the government imposes itself behind the scenes and in facts.
This is an extraordinary situation that is used by General Mourão to expand his presence in the government, disregarding attention to journalists, even making corrections to declarations of Bolsonaro and his clique in confabulations with foreign correspondents. The General Mourão from the declarations in Freemasonry - in which he preached military coup, defended a new constitution elaborated by notables and other pearls of the reactionaryism like to support a military intervention in Venezuela - suddenly gave rise to a moderate and prudent Mourão. Such transmutation can only be conceived as a product of important orientation, or rather of an order. It is another offensive step in the usurpation of the Bolsonaro government by the military High Command, a measure meant to minimize damages that could wear out, sooner than imagined, the new government.
Among small shocks and thumps, it is confirmed the distrust that the High Command of the reactionary Armed Forces always nourished about the captain, who had been retired for more than three decades for disciplinary matters. Incidentally, Bolsonaro was indeed dismissed for his connection with extreme right-wing terrorist actions against the so-called regime's "openness"; actions that he sought to link the demands of the troop in an attempt to use corporative discontent of the military as protests against the end of the fascist regime that began in 1964. And it was a cheat in the Superior Military Court that freed Bolsonaro of extreme measure of punishment, allowing his entrance in electoral politics, in which he promoted his career of more than 30 years as a professional politician, remarkably mediocre until then.
Seven ministers of Bolsonaro are military, and when the minister is a civilian there is a military man as the general secretary of the ministry. Strategic areas of the State and, in particular, key positions of government operability are under the absolute control of the High Command of the Armed Forces. The preventive counterrevolutionary military coup was unleashed long before the electoral process, settling in this government (which was not of its choice) as a product of circumstances and transiently taking the form of a government that was legitimated by the polls of the electoral farce. It is the imperative necessity of the ruling classes and imperialism for the salvation of the current secular system of oppression and exploitation of the people and of national subjugation, whose operationality is threatened by the serious economic, political, moral and social crisis.
The conformation and operation of the government, behind all the cackle over necessary and savior "reforms" amid the clutter and revelations of scandals surrounding the Bolsonaro clan and its clique, harbor an internal dispute over the regime to be established. The fascist and messianic vision of the elected president is too reckless to the military high command, because it exposes crudely and shamelessly the pro-Yankee game. In its mission, the secret military government, which the High Commanders operate, manages so that the counterrevolutionary coup has the maximum of cover and legal appearance, in order not to precipitate the extension of the resistance field to it.
Contrary to what is attempted to make believe, the serious crisis in which the country has been lingering for more than five years has not ended with the elections, it has only changed its quality. It deepened, bringing the Armed Forces to its center, through the coup plot of its High Command, that stole the government. The contend between the fractions of the local ruling classes, in the midst and as part of the formidable general crisis, can no longer be resolved via elections. Hence the military coup was unleashed seeking to hide itself in the form of a constitutional government.
Within the general crisis that imperialism and the country are experiencing, Yankee imperialism increases its militarization on the continent and forces this ill-fated government to carry out three reactionary, urgent and inescapable tasks: 1) to take the country out of the crisis and impulse its outdated bureaucratic capitalism ; 2) to restructure the old state conforming the regime of maximum centralization of power in the Executive (absolutist presidentialism); and 3) to ward off the danger of revolution and, if it breaks out, to promptly crush it through iron, fire, and blood.
The comprador fraction of the Brazilian bourgeoisie prevails in the government with Paulo Guedes, but it is confronted with the resistance of the bureaucratic fraction regarding the objectives of the superminister to reform the administrative and legal state, to privatize state banks and companies of the energy sector, as well as in the determination of the military summit to maintaining the social security privileges of the high-ranking military forces, which are highly costly to the treasury. The other superminister and Americanophile Moro sent his Penal Code´s hardening package to increase the penalties, increase the incarceration of even larger numbers of the impoverished population, and deal with corrupt practices inherent in the system – and of which the electioneering scoundrels does not renounce. Soon it will typify the political organizations and popular revolutionary movements as terrorist.
These and other internal contradictions of the government, which are necessarily reflected in Congress, already in the coming months of struggles to the "social security reform" will cause serious headaches to those who, in fact, govern the country. The application of more anti-worker and motherland-seller measures, as well as the repression to the people´s fight, will aggravate the political crisis.
On the side of the people, including the minority who elected Bolsonaro, the disillusionment is made every time the Bolsonarism announces in measures an administration focused on the interests of the richest, the international financial system and the military expansion of Yankee imperialism, proving to be the same old politics as always. Workers are becoming aware of this reality, seeking forms of protest and preparing for major combats, beginning with the proposal of the general strike to resist their assault to their rights.